Some time ago I have authored a paper, titled "The Role of Mass Media in the Settlement of the Cyprus Problem" that has been published in this book: Managing Intractable Conflicts: Lessons from Moldova and Cyprus (.pdf - see page 39 in the book for my contribution).
The book was published in April 2013, by the Global Political Trends Center (GPoT) of the Istanbul Kültür University as a result of a project with APE, EEBB and OSF Moldova. More details about the project.
The purpose of the book was to study, collect various points of view, to discuss various aspects and contrast the differences and similarities of two conflicts, of Cyprus and of Transnistria, and produce some conclusions and recommendations that (hopefully) would help those that somehow influence or contribute in the discourse and politics of the conflict.
Few people in Cyprus are aware that we are in vitae parallelae (βίοι παράλληλοι) with a region "up there", sandwiched between the areas controlled by the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine.
Fewer people know, about the many times eerie similarities with Cyprus we found out during a study visit to both Chişinău (the capital of Moldova) and Tiraspol in the "Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic" (aka "Transnistria").
During our visit we spoke with a lots of officials from the authorities from both sides of river Dniester (that acts as a natural barrier), MPs, ministers, mayors, negotiators, ambassadors and representatives of international organizations etc etc. This included a visit to the "Supreme Council/Soviet" ("Верховный Совет Приднестровской Молдавской Республики" - that's how the Parliament of Transnistria is called and that is not a joke).
The Supreme Soviet building, with full fledged hammer and sickle insignias and a statue of Lenin outside - and this is not a joke either. Transnistria, although pretty much a market economy (with an interesting twist - this you have to research yourself), still carries the styles and symbols of what we knew as the "socialist reality".
There we met with members of the Supreme Council/Soviet. The discussions were not so fruitful in terms of getting information, but they were very fruitful in terms of gaining an understanding of what is going on with the argumentation, rhetoric/polemic style etc.
One interesting member of the Supreme Soviet we met and spoke with was Mr "X" - his party currently holding one seat out of 45. He was not very favourable (in fact, at all) for any possibility for negotiations for some sort of reunification of Transistria with Moldova and made that very clear indeed (and by "made very clear" I mean he was a bit aggressive). After we left the meeting, our Moldovan colleague informed us that Mr X was in fact wanted by Interpol for having shot dead two persons in broad daylight - simply because they had accidentally blocked his way while driving. When I went back to the hotel, I needed to check that.
The rest of the representatives we met in Transistria and in the Supreme Soviet were more tactful and friendly - we had more meaningful conversations and at least they didn't look like the pistolero kind.
Now, back to those "similarities". We heard so many times in regards with the Cyprus problem: Recognition status, occupation, negotiations, "mother countries", international assistance, vested interests, strategic games in the region of the so-called "big powers" etc etc... After seeing and studying the Transistrian case, well, I guess we are not alone anymore.
You see, both cases of Cyprus and Moldova/Transnistria are categorized as "intractable" conflicts - a fancy name for (excuse me for putting it very simplistically): "what was done was done, they are not shooting each other anymore since a long time, why can't they solve it"?
"Why can't they solve it" indeed. "Why can't we solve our own problem" is our own one million dollar (or euro, or ruble) question. As far as I am concerned, Moldova and Cyprus may be worlds apart in regards of even caring about each other's problems, but at the same time so similar and (from a point of view - use your imagination) so close.
My question was, how can the media contribute in the solution effort, or are media acting as part of the problem itself?
I have to admit, my paper is neither the "best" or most "accurate" or unbiased about this issue. I did my best just to provide a point of view, not a generic analysis. Surely, people will come with different opinions regarding the media - one journalist friend of mine already told me that I painted the darkest picture. Other colleagues liked and agreed with the article.
In fact, I myself have had my share of reservations with some of my colleagues' contributions in the same book - but hey, if we agreed on everything, I guess there wouldn't be a "Cyprus" nor a "Transnistria" problem!
Well, you had your interesting story, if you want, now read the paper.
Peace (literally).
The book was published in April 2013, by the Global Political Trends Center (GPoT) of the Istanbul Kültür University as a result of a project with APE, EEBB and OSF Moldova. More details about the project.
The purpose of the book was to study, collect various points of view, to discuss various aspects and contrast the differences and similarities of two conflicts, of Cyprus and of Transnistria, and produce some conclusions and recommendations that (hopefully) would help those that somehow influence or contribute in the discourse and politics of the conflict.
Few people in Cyprus are aware that we are in vitae parallelae (βίοι παράλληλοι) with a region "up there", sandwiched between the areas controlled by the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine.
Fewer people know, about the many times eerie similarities with Cyprus we found out during a study visit to both Chişinău (the capital of Moldova) and Tiraspol in the "Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic" (aka "Transnistria").
 |
| Meeting with Mr. Andrei Popov, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs and European Integration (fifth from the right) and his aide (end right). Both looked like very nice guys. The two worst dressed gentlemen in the photo are the Cypriots. |
During our visit we spoke with a lots of officials from the authorities from both sides of river Dniester (that acts as a natural barrier), MPs, ministers, mayors, negotiators, ambassadors and representatives of international organizations etc etc. This included a visit to the "Supreme Council/Soviet" ("Верховный Совет Приднестровской Молдавской Республики" - that's how the Parliament of Transnistria is called and that is not a joke).
The Supreme Soviet building, with full fledged hammer and sickle insignias and a statue of Lenin outside - and this is not a joke either. Transnistria, although pretty much a market economy (with an interesting twist - this you have to research yourself), still carries the styles and symbols of what we knew as the "socialist reality".
 |
| This is not part of a museum - this statue of Lenin is outside of the Supreme Soviet of Transnistria. The year is 2012. |
There we met with members of the Supreme Council/Soviet. The discussions were not so fruitful in terms of getting information, but they were very fruitful in terms of gaining an understanding of what is going on with the argumentation, rhetoric/polemic style etc.
One interesting member of the Supreme Soviet we met and spoke with was Mr "X" - his party currently holding one seat out of 45. He was not very favourable (in fact, at all) for any possibility for negotiations for some sort of reunification of Transistria with Moldova and made that very clear indeed (and by "made very clear" I mean he was a bit aggressive). After we left the meeting, our Moldovan colleague informed us that Mr X was in fact wanted by Interpol for having shot dead two persons in broad daylight - simply because they had accidentally blocked his way while driving. When I went back to the hotel, I needed to check that.
 |
| Welcome to Transnistria. Crossing the checkpoint. Transnistria, although pretty much a market economy, still carries the styles and symbols of what we knew as the "socialist reality". |
The rest of the representatives we met in Transistria and in the Supreme Soviet were more tactful and friendly - we had more meaningful conversations and at least they didn't look like the pistolero kind.
Now, back to those "similarities". We heard so many times in regards with the Cyprus problem: Recognition status, occupation, negotiations, "mother countries", international assistance, vested interests, strategic games in the region of the so-called "big powers" etc etc... After seeing and studying the Transistrian case, well, I guess we are not alone anymore.
You see, both cases of Cyprus and Moldova/Transnistria are categorized as "intractable" conflicts - a fancy name for (excuse me for putting it very simplistically): "what was done was done, they are not shooting each other anymore since a long time, why can't they solve it"?
"Why can't they solve it" indeed. "Why can't we solve our own problem" is our own one million dollar (or euro, or ruble) question. As far as I am concerned, Moldova and Cyprus may be worlds apart in regards of even caring about each other's problems, but at the same time so similar and (from a point of view - use your imagination) so close.
My question was, how can the media contribute in the solution effort, or are media acting as part of the problem itself?
I have to admit, my paper is neither the "best" or most "accurate" or unbiased about this issue. I did my best just to provide a point of view, not a generic analysis. Surely, people will come with different opinions regarding the media - one journalist friend of mine already told me that I painted the darkest picture. Other colleagues liked and agreed with the article.
In fact, I myself have had my share of reservations with some of my colleagues' contributions in the same book - but hey, if we agreed on everything, I guess there wouldn't be a "Cyprus" nor a "Transnistria" problem!
Well, you had your interesting story, if you want, now read the paper.
Peace (literally).
 |
| As guests in the Supreme Soviet's meeting hall. My name in Cyrillic characters, but transliterated from English :) |
No comments:
Post a Comment